Modern Definition of Rule of Law

Introduction to the Rule of Law & the modern definition. Rule of Law in the layman perspective is the principle that nobody is above the law and that every man’s act is subject to the law. The law referred, in our context, is the Malaysian Constitution which embodies the definition, expressly in many of its provisions. The constitution has the absolute power as against the arbitrariness and discretionary power of the government. This concept is commonly practiced in democratic countries.Rule of Law and Rule by Law should be distinguished as the latter is merely a government’s tool for the purpose of ruling and governing only. It is not a good approach as compared to the Rule of Law because law is made by the people, for the people. The concept used under Rule by Law could lead to abuse of power and unfairness especially in the context of human rights. The countries practicing Rule by Law are mostly the autocratic countries where the law is followed because they are forced to, not because they respect the supremacy of the law.According to De Smith, the concept of Rule of Law is one of open texture with wide range of interpretation, or in other words, flexible. Dicey propounded 3 principles of Rule of law in his writings, ‘Law of the Constitution’. However Dicey’s ideas are no longer in use as modern democratic society has emerged. It is only a fashion now to insert Dicey’s to retain the basic values of Rule of Law but it must be interpreted according to our modern needs of society. Dicey’s ideas on ROL includes that; – 1) Absolute supremacy of regular law. ) Equality before the law 3) The Rule of Law includes the results of judicial decisions determining the rights of private persons. Internationally, the Rule of Law was even stated in the Preamble of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights adopted in 1948; where it was laid in the third paragraph that if the government does not want the people to revo lt as their last resort to overcome tyranny by government, then it is important for the fundamental liberties of the people to be defended. The way to defend their liberties is through the Rule of Law. The UDHR has 30 articles which upholds human rights.An international meeting to discuss and make declaration on the fundamental principle of rule of law was held in 1959 named the International Commission of Jurists(ICJ). The ICJ is the modern revelation of Rule of Law that fits the present circumstances. They declared that the rule of law implies certain rights and freedom to create a conducive social, economic, education and cultural norms to achieve human dignity. Joseph Raz, in his writing, â€Å"Rule of Law & It’s Virtues† had outlined a set of characteristics, a total number of 13 virtues of rule of law.The most basic aspect is that the people must be protected by the rule of law, and nothing can happen without the sanction and permission of the law. Others inc lude that the law must be prospective rather than retrospective; the law must be stable and certain and not changeable; the independence of judiciary has to be assured; the law must be fair, just and reasonable; the people should have the access to the courts; principles of natural justice concerning the right to be heard and the judge must not be bias should be observed and many other important characteristics.All 13 virtues should be complied and applied to make sure that the rule of law exists in a country practicing it. Ingredients of The Federal Constitution The Rule of Law is interrelated with the principles of human’s rights and dignity and these can be seen in our own Federal Constitution. Part II of the Federal Constitution enumerates a number of fundamental liberties which devotes 9 articles altogether. Few are: 1)Liberty of the person 2)Protection against retrospective criminal laws and repeated trials 3)Equality 4)Freedom of speech, assembly, association 5) Freedo m of religion and few more.The Parliament has made extensive use of emergency powers, sanctioned by the Constitution. Part XI with regards to emergency powers must be read together with the Fundamental Liberties. By Article 149, it permits the suspension of the Fundamental Liberties, since it validates any legislation otherwise outside the legislative power of Parliament. The Proclamation of Emergency provided in Article 150 permits Parliament and YdPA to override all provisions of the Constitution. This is not to say rule of law is not stable, but that the regular law operates alongside a system of emergency law which is much more draconian.An example is the powers of preventive detention, or International Security Act, which will be discussed further. Constitutionalism Crisis: International Security Act The International Security Act or more commonly known as ISA is an old and inhumane law which is against with the principle of Rule of Law. ISA is a cruel and harsh law and has alw ays been an issue which has yet to be solved in satisfaction. Proposals for the ISA to be reviewed and subsequently, be abolished has been made since Tun Mahathir and Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi’s times as Prime Minister, and once again, now made by our present Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak.It has been 50 years since the ISA came into force but the government has still yet to take any actions in viewing this problem. The ISA made it seems as though the Rule of Law does not exist in Malaysia or less effective. The ISA is a preventive detention law that allows the force to detain a person without trial or criminal charges under lawful circumstances and he will be detained by the police for up to a maximum period of 60 days or the full period. It seems like that the ISA either does not understand or does not believe in the Rule of Law or the Human Rights.Under an ordinary law, every person has his own rights and chance to stand trial if he has committed an offence. When I SA first came into force in 1960, it was made based on the promised made by our first Prime Minister that the law will be used rationally and only against government’s enemies, which was then the communists. Nowadays ISA is used on reasons to deal problems relating sensitive issues like conflicts in a multi-ethnic, multi-religious, multi-cultural society. The essence of ISA is to allow detention without trial which goes against the right of a person to fair hearing.Therefore, does this means that the ISA is against the human rights? Accordingly, is it contrary to the rule of law and thus does the principle rule of law exist in our country? In answering the first question, detention without trial is a blatant act and against citizen’s rights. The ISA reflects that the State has failed to uphold its responsibility this right. The judiciary is excluded from ensuring that those detained under ISA are treated according with the human rights. Not a person should be held in d etention without fair trial because it violates the human rights.Human rights and Rule of law are interconnected and so if ISA is contrary to human rights then it acts the same to the rule of law. This makes us question whether the rule of law still does exist in Malaysia. Any country subscribing to the rule of law, will never allow the abuse of power to detain a person without trial. This draconian legislation should be reviewed and repealed if the government still has the intention in making the rule of law as one of the general principles of the constitution. 1988 Constitutional Crisis Other constitutional crisis relating the rule of law follows the withdrawal of Tun Salleh Abas as a judge.This case was also known the 1988 Constitutional Crisis. In 1988, Tun Salleh Abas was brought before a tribunal on grounds of bias as a judge. The Prime Minister then, Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohammad, explained that he took an action against Tun Salleh under Article 125 of the constitution, on ground s of his behavior and being unable to perform his function as the Lord President. The tribunal concluded that â€Å"the respondent has been guilty of not only ‘misbehavious’, but also misconduct which falls within the ambit of ‘other cause’ in article 125, which renders him unfit to discharge properly the functions of his office†.The 1988 Constitutional Crisis is related to Joseph Raz’s minimum standards on rule of law. Joseph Raz included one of the virtues (among others as mentioned earlier) that the natural justice should be reviewed. The natural justice said concerned; i)the right to be heard â€Å"audi altera partem† and ii)a judge must not be bias â€Å"nemo judex in cause sua†. The latter part has a deep connection to what discussed in the suspension of Tun Salleh Abas. Stephen Kalong Ningkan (1966)In 1966, Stephen Kalong Ningkan was dismissed from being the Chief Minister when the State Governor showed a letter signed by 21 members of assembly saying that they longer had no confidence in him to continue his duty. He was asked to resign himself which he refused to do so. He alleged that the letter did not tantamount to a vote of no-confidence. He was then dismissed by the Head of State by publishing a declaration in the Gazette that Stephen Kalong Ningkan had ceased to hold the office of Chief Minister. However his dismissal was an unconstitutional one.It was held by the court that the law under Sarawak Constitution, a Chief Minister can only vacate his office by his resignation and not by dismissal. There were no authorities stating that the Head of State has the power to dismiss a Chief Minister. Therefore looking through a rule of law’s view, it could be said that the unlawful dismissal of Stephen Kalong Ningkan by the Head of State was contrary to the principles of Rule of Law. Perak Crisis (2009) The constitutional crisis which happened in Perak is similar to what happened in 1966 in the case of Stephen Kalong Ningkan.The crisis began in February 2009 when four assemblymen of Pakatan Rakyat withdrew from the party. Pakatan Rakyat was then the ruling party in Perak, and their withdrawal from the party resulted a loss of majority representatives. Nasaruddin Hashim, was the Chief Minister of Perak before the crisis started was one of the assemblymen whom cross-floored Pakatan Rakyat. The consequence was that the Sultan of Perak, used his discretion under Art 18(2)(b) of the State Constitution, and commanded Mohammad Nizar Jamaluddin to dismiss himself from the position of First Minister. The Sultan of Perak then appointed Dr.Zambry Abdul Kadir from Barisan Nasional to fill in the vacant position and be the next Chief Minister. Nizar claimed that there should be a fair free election since this country practices democracy, and for that announced he refused to resign and therefore, the appointment of Dr. Zambry was null and void. The High Court held that the dismissal and appointment made by the Sultan of Perak was unlawful and an unconstitutional one and that Nizar has always been the rightful head of government. The Court of Appeal however held that the action taken by the Sultan was legally valid and certainly followed the State Constitution.According to the Perak Constitution, the Sultan has two options in settling a conflict of lost confidence; which is either to dissolve the state assembly or appoint a new Chief Minister. The Sultan in this case did the latter. Such discretion is a Royal Prerogative. The Sultan is not subject to recommendation or approval of any other person while making the new appointment of Chief Minister. The difference between the Perak Crisis and Stephen Kalong Ningkan case is, the Perak Constitution has no exact statement of means of vote of confidence, which makes the action taken by the Sultan is constitutional and valid while the appointment of Dr.Zambry is also valid and Mohd Nizar must tender resignation. This woul d also mean that it follows the definition of Rule of Law on absolute supremacy of the law on grounds the dismissal was lawful. Conclusion With all the definitions and constitutional crisis discussed, it all comes down to one question; to what extent does Rule of Law exists in Malaysia? It is with no doubt that our country is a democratic country which is against arbitrariness and upholds the supremacy of our constitution. However with constitutional crisis that has happened, this shows that the Rule of Law xists merely on the surface of it. Our judges need to be prepared to enter the fray in the struggle of persevering the human rights and fundamental liberties. Only then we can say Malaysia is grounded on Rule of Law. Without justice, the democracy we practiced would mean nothing but just a concept. There is a need for all Malaysians to understand and appreciate the importance of the rule of law and to be vigilant that it prevails in this country. Without the rule of law, there ca n be no justice.

History of 21st February

There arc 6,000 to 7,000 spoken languages in the world and half of them arc in danger of extinction. The Interna tional Mother Language Day that is celebrated annually on Feb. 21, after it was declared by UNESCO in November 1999, reminds us of the necessity, mier alia, of protecting these languages from extinction by promoting meir importance. It is important to keep these languages in practice; languages are simply not a random compilation of words but a means of communication, interaction and understanding among different peoples.The language, thus, is one of the mediums that form the socio-oil rural identity of a nation. A Language is more than just a way of sharing our views with the world; it has its own history as welt. The language of a nation can sometimes contribute to the contents of its history Great works of literature as well as the legacy of a nation might bc lost if the language is lost. A language helps create unity among a group  ° people; a persons mother tongue i s an important aspect of her/his culture and the identity of who he/she is. Feb. 1,1952 marks an important event in the history leading toward the emergence of Bangladesh, which declared independence on March 26,1971. The Bangla Language Movement, reaching its pinnacle on this very day in 1952, was a political mass uprising in Bangladesh (erstwhile East Pakistan), which demanded mat Bangla – the mother tongue spoken by the majority of the population – should bc recognized as the second official language besides the then existing state Language that was spoken by only a minority of the population. This would allow the Bangla language to bc taught in schools and used in government affairs.After the partition of India rn 1947 into Pakistan and India, Bangla-speaking people in Bangladesh (erstwhile East Pakistan) made up 44 million of the newly formed Pakistans 69 million people. However, in 1947 at a national education summit a minority language was declared by the then s tate machinery as the sole state language to bc used in all spheres of life, including media and schools. This Jed to a situation where almost 70 percent of the population that formed the majority and spoke Bangi* were practically required to discard their mother tongue Bangla, which they had used for thousands of wirs. nd learn afresh a completely alien minority language. Students of Dhaka University and other colleges of the city in Bangladesh (erstwhile East Pakistan) organized a general strike on March 11,1948 to protest the exclusion of the Bangla language from official use, including on coins, stamps and in official competitive tests / examinations.Later taking the shape of a popular movement, the protest restated the demand that Bangla be declared an official language of the state. On feb. 1,1952 students of the Dhaka University along with member-, ol the public defied the unconstitutional ban on peaceful protests and organized a protest that resulted in police opening fire a nd killing a number of students, including Abdus Salam, Rafiq Uddin Ahmed, Abul Barkat and Abdul Jabbar. Resultantly, a massive popular upheaval spread across Bangladesh (erstwhile East Pakistan) as large processions ignored the unconstitutional ban on peaceful protests and condemned the actions of the police.At one stage more than 30,000 people assembled at Curzon Hall of Dhaka University in Dhaka. During the continued protests, police actions led to the death of more people. This prompted Bangla speaking government officials and civil servants from different organizations to boycott government offices and join the procession. The â€Å"All-Party Central Language Action Committee†, supported by the majority of the population, decided to commemorate Feb. 21 as Shahid Dibosh (Martyrs Day).On the first anniversary of the protests, people across Bangladesh (erstwhile East Pakistan) wore black badges in solidarity with the dead and victims of violence Most offices, bank ond educa tional institutions in Bangladesh (erstwhile East Pakistan) were closed to observe the occasion. Student groups made agreements with educational institutions ond police officials to preserve law and order. However, the state machinery provoked tensions by declaring that those who wanted Bangla to become on official language would be considered an â€Å"enemy of the state.Despite the restrictions to mark the anniversary of the protests, the Bangali population took to the streets. Demonstrations broke out on the night of Feb 21,1954 with various halls of Dhaka University raising black flags in mourning. Several students and protesters were arrested indiscriminately to foil the commemoration. On May 7,1954. the constituent assembly was forced to resolve to grant official status to the Bangla language. Bangla was recognized j the second official language of the state on Feb. 29. 1956. Although the question of official languages was settled by 1956, the Bangai! eople were discriminated against in every sphere of Life. The Bangali community, despite being the overwhelming majority, continued to bc under-represented in the civil and military services, and received a minority of state funding and other government assistance. The demands of these people were overlooked. One demand was that the province of East Pakistan be called Bangladesh (Land of Bangalis), which later contributed into the declaration of Independence of Bangladesh on March 26, 1971 ond culminated in a prolonged bloody â€Å"Liberation War† that saw the emergence of an Independent Peoples Republic of Bangladesh.The struggle to freely use the mother tongue of a majority population of a coun tn once resulted in bloodshed for the people of Bangladesh and contributed significantly to the movement and war of her Independence. However, today it ts a different fight for many people; it is a fight to keep their mother tongue in use so that an important part of their cultures is not lost The writer is a Year 1 student at Taylor College. (The article was written in commemoration of the Language Movement of Bangladesh /International Mother Language Day. ) The Language Movement  : Its Political and Cultural Significance Scrajul Islam ChoudhuryWhat had happened on the 21st of February in 1952 is not difficult to describe. Some lives were lost when police opened fire on agitating students. What the students were agitating for is also well-known. They wanted Bengali to be recognized as one of the two state languages of what was then an undivided Pakistan. But a description like this would be patently superfluous, for it would not describe what had really happened, let alone reflect the feelings that the movement had embodied and roused. The movement of 21st February was not sentimental, but it represented very deep-rooted sentiments.To begin with, the movement did not lose its significance even after an official recognition of Bengali as one of the two state languages. It went ahead, gained in depth and momentum as it went, y and, ultimately, made the emergence of an independent Bangladesh inevitable. But even after we had achieved a state where Bengali is the only and not one of the two state languages the movement has not ceased to be vital. Why? The answer is easy. Bengali has not yet been accorded the place of honour and importance that it deserves. The rate of literacy has not risen above the poor 22 per cent.Of ~th~o e who know the alphabet many do not read books. Some ddb get books, others do not need them. The vast majority of the population has been denied for ages the right to use Bengali. The illiterate person, oftener a women than a man, does not know any other language, but he does not know Bengali either in the literate sense. Those who are well-to-do do not need Bengali. Social and commercial intercourse tends to be more effective when done in English in unspoken opposition to Bengali. The cultural milieu of the sophisticated tends very often to be shorn of the use of Bengali almost to the extent it is sophisticated.International communication is, of course, done in English. Bengali, thus, is not properly used either by the very rich or the very poor, the former shies away voluntarily, the latter has no choice. The middle class uses it, but not in as extensive a manner as could have been expected. We do not print books in large number. Nor are the titles wide   ranging. for books are expensive to print and difficult to sell. The problem is rooted in the very socio-political and economic reality of Bangladesh. And it is this reality that invests the language movement of the 21st of February with an enormous significance and meaning.How does one account for the rise of this movement ? Was it due to the wrong decision of any particular person or group? Most obviously not. The movement was as spontaneous as it was inevitable. Despite its later ramifications and complexities the movement was a simple expression of the irreconc ilable, indeed ever-increasing, contradiction between the rulers and the ruled. The ruling classes wanted to impose Urdu on the Bengale s with a view to keeping them subjugated for generations to come ~I'he issue was far from linguistic, it was grossly political and economic.The imposition of Urdu was a part, albeit not an easily recognisable part, of the ruthless exploitation of the Begalccs by West Pakistani monopoly capital and civil-military bureaucracy. The language movement brought to the fore what had hitherto, lain undetected inside the deliberately roused sentiments of Pakistani nationalism. The oppressed people of East Bengal had joined the Pakistan movement in the hope of achieving a better standard of living consequent upon the establishment of an independent state.That the hope was unreal was cruelly exposed by the fondly proclaimed arbitrary decision of the rulers to make Urdu the only state language of Pakistan. There was no escaping this fact. Language was, undoubted ly,. the declared issue. But the movement was not for reforming the language, not even for winning recognition for Bengali as one of the state languages, although that was the manifest objective. It was aimed, really, at the emancipation of an oppressed people. The rulers were obliged to recognise the destructive potentiality of the movement.For what was constructivee for the oppressed Bengalees was destructive for the oppressors- – such was the polarity of the situation. Facing the uncompromising reality, the Pakistani rulers had offered terms of a compromise. They did accommodate Bengali as a state language when the question of framing a constitution came to a head, 21st February was declared a public holiday- eventually. A board was set up for the development of Bengali language, But the movement was not to be hoodwinked by such tactics of accommodation. Compromise was impossible.The movement grew and grew, gained in depth and momentum, leading to the establishment of Bang ladesh. M uch has been gained and yet much remains to be achieved. As indicated above, universal use of Bengali in Bangladesh remains a distant hope. It does not require much of an analysis to demonstrate that the objective of the language movement can be achieved only in a society which is free from exploition and is, therefore not poor. Poverty is the effect of exploitation, not its cause. Therefore, the movement of the 21st of February must be called a protest against the exploitation of man by man.It raised a determined voice against injustice. For what could be more unjust than the inflicting of a foreign tongue on a population of seventy million, constituting as it did the majority of the population of Pakistan as a whole. Our love for the Bengali language is traditional, it is based on very deep sentiments. But it is impossible to deny that it was not this love alone that had led us to join the language movement in swelling numbers. There was hatred as well. Hatred against in justice, against exploitation. The movement was essentially anti-colonial and anti feudal in character.It was aimed at overthrowing the none-too-hidden system of colonial exploitation sought to be perpetrated by the ruling classes. It was clearly anti-feudal in content inasmuch as it tried to win for the people their inalienable right to use their own language in state affairs. Love and hatred, they say, go together: and indeed they did in this very case, for the depth of hatred was only the obverse of the depth of love and vice versa. The language movement went like magnet over the iron of the suppressed feelings of the people. It provided the people with an outlet to their pent-up emotions against political injustice and social exploitation.It forged  a unity which was b_ oth creative and enduring. A section of the police in Dhaka had gone on strike even before 1952. They. had been fired upon. But that firing did not rouse the indignation that the firing of the. 21st of February did. The reason was that the latter firing was not aimed at any particular section of the peope, it was not designed to silence the professional demands of any specific group, its target was the entire Bengali-speaking people of Pakistan, irrespective of political belief or ideological commitment. For it hurt even those who had collaborated with the government.As long as exploitation of the many by the few remains, 21st February is unlikely to lose its significance. How did the movement begin? It began as a students' movement. – Its centre was the university of Dhaka which was the only university in East Bengal at the time. The potentiality of the movement was unknown to the rulers, it was not known even to many of those who were at its forefront. Perhaps it-would die a natural death- the rulers, it is easy to imagine, had fondly hoped. But all estimates and expectations were belied. Once firing had started the movement spread-wider than a fire, faster than the bullets.It re fused to be confined to the university campus; percolating through the railway, steamer and bus stations it reached almost every comer of the province. The public joined in it. The working class struck work, it became a movement against an insult hurled at the existence of a people. The Pakistani pretence became much too big for the mask. A new feeling of nationalism began to grow very rapidly indeed. And ultimately it was this new linguistic and, therefore, essentially secular, democratic and creative nationalism which prevailed over the makeshift nationalism of Pakistan.Pakistanism pretended to be spiritual which spiritualism was, so far as East Bengal was concerned, a cover for material exploitation of the classically crude type. The new awareness made people conscious about their material existence, tearing the veils of false hopes and comforts. Its creativeness was immeasurable. For it had touched and released the youth of the nation. The youth of the country had begun this mov ement. But it was not a youth movement. It was the youthfulness of a people that it had stirred. The movement's creative power displayed itself in many, almost all aspects of life. New organisations – social. s- well as political – came into being. A new leadership–uncompromising and courageous-grew up to replace the established one. Politics topkk on a new character, it no longer remained a pastime of the privifegetl few.. In its changed character, politics became a threat to the existing s oc i a l system. Poets wrote busily; composers composed energetically. Flays, novels and short stories have been written on the theme. And it would be impossible to count the souvenirs_ that have been published to celebrate the spirit of the day. But the most precious creation Or the movement did not lie in any of these in isolation.It lay in something that united these diverse areas and manifestations and inspired them from behind. his was nothing more, or less, than a new consciousness. This consciousness is characterised, among other things, Ity an irreconcilable patriotism. True patroitism does not isolate; it unlles, it brings the individual to the community, and identifies collective; well being as the unfailing source of individual welfare. And it i. y this patriotism that the language movement carries with itself, and nourishes as it goes. N c language movement was essentially creative.It not only produced new works of literature, music, painting and drama but also, and more importantly, gave these creations a new content, which was unmistakably secular and democratic in character. The movement was anti-imperialist and anti-feudal; and it was therefore only natural that the cultural works it produced should have a militancy and a sew;e of direction they had not known before. Bengal, let us recall, was divided in 1947 on the basis of the so-called two-nation theory. Communalism was endemic in the very foundation of that partition. The democratic upsurge of February, 1962 stood firmly, atatiinst communalism.Communalism did not die, such monsters die hard, but it became weaker than it was in 1947. What was more significant was that a new path of development was laid open. People came tog`ther; forgetting their communal identity. They fought for a common cause. Then there was the important question of tradition. Pakistani nationalism had expected to survive and gain in strength by Whippin g up emotions around a false sense of tradition which sought to make the Bengalees of East Pakistan feel as if they belonged to the Middle East and not to the land where they, as well as their ancestors, were born and had their being. Ws, in fact, amounted to a ruthless attempt to disinherit them of their tradition. Not only in literature, but in all aspects of life and creativity what was natural and real was sought to be replaced by the unnatural and the unreal. The language movement came as an open challenge to this. Instead of encouragin g deracination, it gave-the thinking section of the public a new sense of belonging. The homecoming had begun. It had no parallel in our past history. For the issue of tradition had never before been as clearly defined as it was during that fateful month of February, 1952.Bengalecs of East Pakistan began to take a new pride in their language which, they realized, constituted the very basis of their cultural identity. The creative artists working in all genres looked at life with a realism which gave their creations a nearness to life. They acquired a new awareness of the economic and political reality of the country. As a result, what they produced was significantly different – both in content and form-from what their predecessors had offered. The arts came closer to politics. The fact of economic exploitation of the poor by the rich also found its way into the creative imagination of the artists.For it had become clear that the Bengalecs were an exploited nation, and that th eir survival ultimately depended on their economic emancipation. A new taste was created, and a new standard of cultural judgement was set up. The movement had not only released the suppressed creative energies of a nation, it had also produced a hunger for more realistic works of art. The language movement represented for the Bengali speaking Pakistanis an entrance into a new area of creativity. The movement of 21st February has done for us another important work.It has drawn, clearly and unmistakably, a line of demarcation between the forces of light and darkness, of progress and reaction. To speak of light first. The light that matters most is the light of economic emancipation of the masses. Needless to say that the light of knowledge remains invaluable. Yet since hunger is the greatest extinguisher of ‘all other lights, no progress in the collective sense can be made without meeting the basic economic needs. And it is this light-the light of economic freedom-that the lang uage movement had promised to the people of Bangladesh.The movement did something more. It distinguished the forces capable of giving life   giving light from those which persist in keeping the people submerged in the darkness of poverty and deprivation. The movement was successful in marking out progress from reaction. Progress, it showed, did not mean more material growth; it also meant, and not less importantly, the proper distribution of wealth. Proper distribution is equitable distribution. It does not need much imagination to see that what ails our economic life is inequality.Inequality has maimed the productive power of labour which is our greatest national asset. It has not allowed national creative powers to grow properly. That we are poor is due primarily to this inequality. The language movement identified progress as removal of the factors responsible for the existence of the social gulf. It also showed that progress and reaction cannot achieve a relationship of peacef ul co   existence, that the antagonism between the two is irreconcilable and would not cease to be operative unless one of the two is completely liquidated.Perhaps it is unnecessary to say on which side the movement of 21st February stood, for its commitment to light against darkness and progress against reaction is total. All these make 21st February significant to us. The nation was not the same after that day, for it had gained a new sensibility, baptised in fire. True, the old order did not change immediately, it normally does not. But it was threatened to its very foundation. And the hope that a new world was not very far continued to grow.

Western Medieval Christian Architecture Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Western Medieval Christian Architecture - Essay Example In the beginning of this essay it is important to mention that two major styles, Romanesque and Gothic, were developed in the field of architecture of Western European Middle Ages. These two styles have reflected the world outlook of their era in the best way. Medieval Romanesque period begins in the X century, when a period of a lull was possible after many internecine wars. Historical evidence states that, by this time, a vast empire of Charlemagne had already formed some European states which have not been able to acquire the cultural autonomy and identity, and culture of each of them was just a variation on a European theme (Perry et al. 217-222).It is obvious that pilgrimages to Jerusalem and the crusades introduced Europeans to the culture of the Arab East. Different Christian monasteries greatly expanded their activity: they built roads, bridges, hotels and hospitals. New experience and traditions were transferred from the master of one monastery to other monastery.Composition in the Middle Ages was understood literally, as the folding, drawing up a new form of ready-made. This was evident in all the arts, and especially in the architecture. And even today the Romanesque cathedral seems as it is composed of several separate volumes like cubes. In such a way, previously stated information gives us an understanding of the fact that already the Romanesque era formed the main design features of the cathedral, which was brought to perfection in the Gothic style in the next centuries.

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Abortion survivors - Essay Example The feelings of guilt resulting from a failed abortion determine the likely hood of allowing the continuance of the pregnancy. The paper will address some of the issues that abortion survivors have had to go through. Life surpasses the right to becoming pregnant. Gianna Jessen failed an abortion attempt when the mother was seven and a half months pregnant. Following the failed attempt, Gianna Jessen was delivered and adopted by a caring family and is currently an activist against the abortion of unborn children (Jessen). Sarah Smith is another survivor who lost her twin brother following an abortion attempt. Both Sarah and Jessen have had a life that has directly affected the birth mothers who are haunted by the guilt for causing so much pain and grief to their children (Smith). The decision to abort Gianna was made because her mother was only seventeen years old during the pregnancy and the economic costs scared her. Sarah’s mother was also afraid of raising another child since she already had five children. The failed pregnancies resulted in two inspirational women who the world needs to inspire people by making better life decisions. The trauma associated with a failed abortion. Melissa Ohden was born following a failed saline infusion abortion. When she was born, the doctors had a notation that she was only around thirty-one weeks into her gestation. The doctors were concerned that her ability to survive was limited and if she did the quality of life she would experience would be full of uncertainties. Currently, Melisa has developed into a healthy woman who is always searching for answers on why the mother wanted to abort her. Melissa discovered that she was an abortion survivor from her adopting parents while she was fourteen and since then her life changed drastically. The psychological torture and the unanswered questions affect her in varying degrees (Ohden). Jessen expresses

Psychology Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 39

Psychology - Essay Example raisals are a person’s beliefs about the ability to deal with a situation based on available resources, and they can lead to a challenge response or a threat response. A challenge response occurs when we believe that we have enough resources to address the situation, and may have beneficial cognitive and cardiovascular benefits. However, a threat response due to an appraisal of insufficient resources may cause damages that are associated with stress. The authors suggest that humans have a natural attentional bias to potential threats, and that we may enter stress responses without a full appraisal of the situation. It is proposed that reappraising the resources available to deal with a potential threat may lead to a challenge response instead, and better psychophysical outcomes. This research included fifty participants (25 male, 25 female) who were compensated with either $25 or class credit. The subjects were prescreened for cardiovascular problems and one was excluded from the analysis after requesting to leave the study. Sensors were used to gain a baseline cardiovascular reading from each subject. They were placed in one of three conditions (reappraisal of resources, ignoring external cues, and a non-intervention control) and were re-tested after reading information about physical stress in scientific journals. The reappraisal group was instructed to appraise the task based on the new information while the external cues group was told to ignore the stress during subsequent readings. A modified Stroop task was used to measure attentional bias, while a Tier Social Stress Test measured perceived threat and questionnaires provided additional information. The collected data was analyzed using a mixed analysis of variance (ANOVA). It was shown that reappraisal participants reported more perceived resources than the other groups along with less physiological reactivity. Reappraisal subjects also showed less attentional bias for threats and emotionally negative

IAS 17- LEASES Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

IAS 17- LEASES - Essay Example Recognizing this need for a proper accounting of lease financing transactions the International Accounting Standards Board (IASB) has issued IAS 17 in respect of the leasing and financial instruments in the year 1982. It is observed that in spite of the changes that these standards propose to bring about the companies are still able to resort to Off Balance Sheet Financing which vitiates the objectives of the standards introduced by IASB. This paper presents a detailed review of the effectiveness of IAS 17 in achieving its objectives and comments on the new standards proposed to be issued in this respect. "A finance lease should be reflected in the balance sheet of a lessee by recording an asset and a liability at amounts equal at the inception of the lease to the fair value of the leased asset net of grants and tax credits receivable by the lessor; if lower at the present value of the minimum lease payments." (Khan, 2007) The lessee should be appropriated between the finance charge and the reduction of the outstanding liability. A finance lease involves the accounting of the depreciation charge for the leased asset as well as the financing charge for the relevant accounting period. In respect of the operating lease the rental expenses for the accounting period shall be charged to income. The charge to income should be recognized on a systematic basis which represents the time pattern of the benefits for the user. The amount of the assets that are subject to finance lease should be disclosed at the values as at the balance sheet date. Liabilities relating to the leased asset should be disclosed separately from other liabilities. The liabilities are to be differentiated between the current and long term portions. The lessee's commitment for minimum lease payments under finance lease or non-cancellable operating lease having tenure of more than a year should be disclosed in summary form. This disclosure should specify the amounts and periods in which payments would become due. The accounting statements should also specifically disclose any significant financing restrictions or other conditions attached to the leases. Accounting and Disclosure under IAS 17 by Lessor An asset held by the lessor under finance lease should not be disclosed in the balance sheet as property, plant and equipment. Alternatively the asset item should be shown as receivable at value that equals the net investment in the lease. The recognition of finance income on the lease should be calculated using any specific pattern that reflects a constant periodic rate of return. This rate of return should be based on either the net investment outstanding or the net cash investment outstanding in respect of the particular lease under consideration. There is no specific method prescribed for estimating the value or the net return. Rental income on the lease should be recognized on a straight line basis over the term of the lease unless the lessor finds any other systematic basis that is more representative of the time pattern contained in the lease contract concerning the earning process. The main

Atomic Bombing Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Atomic Bombing - Essay Example The consequences of nuclear warfare were already foreseen, and as a matter of fact, at the top of its official voice that was publicly aired, in the midst of the heated issue of race for nuclear armaments the US abhorred potential destructions that may be brought by nuclear bombing to people, country and the entire world. Despite this, the US still remained to secretly initiate scientific researchers that would potentially pave the way for better understanding of the atomic bombs. Its actual bombing using this nuclear weapon in Japan had eventually proven to help it win its war with this country. However, it is evident that it simply orchestrated a move that was a bit contradictory to its personal public statement in line with its stand on nuclear warfare and even on the rudimentary issue on the race for nuclear armaments with the Soviet Union and other parts of the world. At this point, it is important to assess such secrecy involved associated with the creation of atomic bombs prio r to the actual consecutive bombing in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Secrets laboratory studies pertaining to atomic bombs in one way or another could be a form of betrayal of public trust on the part of the US. Thus, it could be remarkably observed that the desire of the US to reach its competitive edge over the other seems bred in the bone. The point of keeping the whole thing about atomic bomb exploration secret from the world connotes there must be something the US devised to achieve in the future. In fact, this plan was eventually disclosed when Japan was taken by surprise and shuddered at the possibility that the US eventually created nuclear armaments, enough to destroy the entire world. The whole point is now clear, and there were two possible things that the US simply wanted to share

Knowledge Management System Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words - 1

Knowledge Management System - Research Paper Example Knowledge management outlines the major concerns of organizational efforts, change, and ability beside fundamental and irregular environmental changes. Additionally, it represents organizational procedures that look for a synergistic grouping of information and data processing capability of information technologies and the modern and inspired competence of various individuals. Moreover, the knowledge management is related to the practical and thoughtful implementation for the reason that it does not exist in the hypothetical description however in the actual world implementation where the maximum confronts and prospects recline (Global Risk Management Network LLC, 2011) and (Laudon & Laudon, 1999). Knowledge management system is an innovative concept that is used to illustrate the creation of knowledge warehouses, knowledge availability, and distribution, communication through teamwork, improving the knowledge framework and organizing knowledge as a plus point for an enterprise. Norm ally, a knowledge management system encompasses a variety of applications and techniques those are based on the set of tools, utilized to automatically gather, systematize, distribute, and evaluate business information between business users. Currently, corporations design and develop their content management systems which help gather and distribute knowledge. Moreover, at present, there exist hundreds of diverse knowledge management system and tools, all designed for a particular kind of business (Abdullah, Selamat, Sahibudin, & Alias, 2005) and   (Duea, 2011).

Cause and Effect Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Cause and Effect - Essay Example Consequently, we should similarly examine body piercing or any kind of decoration, ornamentation or reshaping of the human body for that matter. The reasons for body piercing can be varied but it shows many facets of the truth about a person, whether that person wants to satisfy a desire, wants to express thoughts or feelings or wants to symbolize a meaning about him or herself. Desires are rational appetites which always aim to satisfy itself. Beauty is one of the most primordial desires of man, and some people wear body piercing plainly for aesthetic purposes. Women who pierce their ears often wear earrings with precious stones or metals because popular culture dictates that beauty is equated as something valuable and therefore precious. While others perceive piercing other body parts besides the ears as unique and therefore beautiful there are others who find pain and suffering as beautiful and they are referred to as sadomasochists. Though some may see this as a disorder, its psychological manifestations are viable and one such manifestation is having a lot of body piercing on the sensitive areas of the body such as the tongue and the eyes. The last desire that would make people consider body piercing is their desire to know. Many teens get pierced during their college years just because they are curious. College students get pierced mainly because they want to have new experiences while they are away from their homes and therefore dont have to worry about their parent’s reaction. Man is beautiful inside and man tries to creatively express this beauty through art hence art, properly defined, is the creation of beautiful things. The belief that body piercing can be used to exhaust creative individual expression can be traced with the emergence of body art. Piercing as a body art considers the many elements in body piercing such as the site of piercing and the kind of jewelry to be attached. Expression of the body is not